“If we, as journalists, are the ones able to deliver the truth, we are honoured to do so.” Azerbaijani journalist Islam Shikhali on the mass imprisonment of journalists, digital wiretapping and COP29

Islam Shikhali is an independent Azerbaijani journalist and media trainer covering socio-economic, political, human rights, and conflict matters. He has collaborated with several local and regional media outlets, which have suffered from the ongoing and intensified crackdown on independent news rooms and critical journalists. Islam Shikhali himself was persecuted by the authorities. In this interview, he sheds light on the ongoing violations not only of press and media freedom but also of the massive (digital) surveillance against any critical voice and the conditions imprisoned journalists suffer from. He also looks at how the UN Climate Change Conference, COP29, which starts in Baku despite Azerbaijan’s poor human rights record, is perceived by the population.

In Azerbaijan, the crackdown on all those who play important watchdog roles in society—human rights defenders, activists, journalists and independent media—has very much intensified over the last two years. In a report from October 2024, Human Rights Watch documents “arrests and prosecutions on politically motivated, bogus criminal charges, as well as the arbitrary enforcement of highly restrictive laws regulating non-governmental organizations”. How is the current situation for media workers in Azerbaijan?

I think that HRW’s recent report is one of the most substantial reports on Azerbaijan in recent years. As you mentioned, the current wave of repression in Azerbaijan began with changes to the NGO law. Already in 2014, the government amended this law to block foreign funding for NGOs. This situation may sound familiar to those who follow the recent political developments in Georgia, which are often attributed as the “foreign agents law”. This law serves the same purpose as Azerbaijan’s 2014 NGO law.

Similarly, the 2021 Media Law and subsequent amendments to the Political Parties Law in Azerbaijan continued the logic of restrictions from 2014. Through these three laws, the government aimed to legally dismantle independent and critical media, civil society representatives, and political activists in Azerbaijan. In the past, authorities stashed weapons or drugs in the homes of opponents to “discover” them during searches or stage confrontations on the streets, all of which led to arrests. Now, with these legislative changes, the government has effectively established a “legal” way to punish people based on their areas of work.

I would say that the government crafted these laws as a complex framework to minimize political activism, independent media investigations, and civil society activities that do not align with its interests.

Today, there are very few independent media outlets left operating in Azerbaijan. All other media organisations free to operate within the country directly follow government directives. Since November 2023, almost the entire team of Abzas Media, an investigative news site, has been detained. Earlier this year, leadership and staff from the critical outlet Toplum TV were also arrested. Additionally, the head of Kanal 13 internet television, Anar Orucov, and Imran Aliyev, founder of the parliamentary monitoring initiative Majlis.info, were detained. Over ten other bloggers and social media activists are also currently imprisoned. Civil society representatives and researchers have been jailed on charges of financial misconduct and accusations of acting as agents serving foreign interests.

Now, the few remaining independent journalists in the country work under constant pressure and harassment. Many of them are frequently called to the police stations for questioning, often related to ongoing cases, and their freedom to travel abroad is restricted, with their bank accounts frozen. The police closely monitors them, making it difficult to work, and in many cases, the police actively obstruct their professional activities. Two to three years ago, independent journalists could file complaints with the Ministry of Internal Affairs to denounce illegal police practices, such as interfering in street interviews, and the issue was resolved immediately. Nowadays, the police illegally interfere when journalists are doing their job in public spaces, and complaints to higher authorities lead nowhere as the government has classified many independent journalists as “unauthorised media workers”, which effectively limits their ability to work.

Despite limited funding and constant threats of arrest, these few independent journalists represent the backbone of Azerbaijani media. Unfortunately, the government is acutely aware of this and, disturbingly, their lives and freedom are constantly at risk.

Azerbaijani journalist Islam Shikhali

In July 2021, the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project published a report stating that Azerbaijan appears to have acquired Pegasus spyware which was used to spy on hundreds of local activists and journalists. Which role does (digital) surveillance by the authorities play to target critical voices?

In the past, the government engaged in monitoring journalists and opposition figures by recording and releasing compromising videos of their private lives. These forms of surveillance were carried out using administrative resources and human labour.

I recall the atmosphere of concern in the public sector when the OCCRP’s investigation into the Pegasus spyware was released. According to the report, this spyware had been installed on my phone as well. During that period, we were astonished by the extent of surveillance, which became clear in conversations with activists and journalists. Also for those already aware of constant surveillance, Pegasus turned into an even more terrifying nightmare. The spyware allowed complete control of targeted individuals’ smartphones, enabling authorities to monitor their messages, listen in via the phone’s microphone, and watch through the camera. This meant full surveillance of individuals at any location.

It’s worth noting that this spyware is extremely costly. Once installed, there is little doubt about its presence, and no matter how cautious one may be, it finds its way onto the device. From the moment it’s loaded, there is no longer any privacy left for the targeted individual.

It’s further important to note that Azerbaijan has become skilled at forming various specialized security structures. These thousands of official positions are mobilized specifically to surveil journalists and opposition figures. The operations of these unconventional security forces are not limited to militarized tactics; they function more like think tanks, executing directives from the Presidential Administration. Some of these entities lead vast troll armies on social media, portraying themselves as loyal soldiers on a mission to help the state control the public. This effectively means that in Azerbaijan, no one outside the presidential family has any guarantee of personal privacy.

The recently detained journalists were well aware of the close monitoring they faced. In Azerbaijan, when necessary, four to five plainclothes police officers—or even more—are mobilized to track a single journalist.

The government now has the technological means to monitor disfavoured individuals round-the-clock.

Azerbaijani human rights defenders estimate that approximately 300 people remain in detention or prison following grossly unfair trials, on politically motivated charges. Also journalists are among those imprisoned as the authorities, as you already mentioned, have also targeted the few remaining independent news outlets such as Abzas Media and Toplum TV. How is the situation of political prisoners, especially of journalists?

That is correct. Recently, Azerbaijani human rights defenders released a list of political prisoners that includes over 300 individuals. It is disheartening that the government is now targeting its opponents with repeated imprisonments. Politicians such as Tofig Yagublu, Anar Mammadli, and Bakhtiyar Hajiyev have been forced to endure imprisonment for a second time. Previously, aside from the arrests of investigative journalist Khadija Ismayil and human rights defender Leyla Yunus, the Azerbaijani government had largely refrained from imprisoning female politicians and journalists, seemingly abiding by an unspoken agreement. However, in the latest wave of arrests, Abzas Media’s editor-in-chief Sevinc Vagifgizi, and the journalists Elnara Gasimova and Nargiz Absalamova were detained. This demonstrates how much the government is angered by investigative journalism.

Additionally, the minimum age among political prisoners has dropped significantly, with young people in their 20s facing long-term sentences.

The conditions in the prison are poor. The government endangers the life of media law expert Alasgar Mammadli, who suffers from serious illnesses, by holding him in these poor conditions, refusing to take even minimal humanitarian steps needed for his treatment and surgery. The health of prisoners engaging in hunger strikes deteriorates daily. The distressing imprisonment of blogger Famil Khalilov, who suffers from cerebral palsy and has lost control of both arms, appears to be of no concern to the government.

Unfortunately, the news we frequently receive about our friends in prison often involves reports of punitive measures being taken against them and torture. Abzas Media director Ulvi Hasanli, who exposed instances of torture in the detention centre to the media, was denied visitation rights with his family, including his 2-year-old daughter. Abzas Media’s editor-in-chief Sevinc Vagifgizi had her phone privileges revoked after she shared information about the poor and unsanitary conditions in the detention centre. In April of this year, following President Ilham Aliyev’s joint press conference with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz in Berlin, German journalists questioned Aliyev about the arrest of Imran Aliyev, founder of the Meclis.info site. This question deeply angered Aliyev. Before his visit ended, Imran Aliyev was subjected to electric shock torture in a Baku prison, and new charges were added to his case.

Despite the harsher conditions they face, our colleagues in prison remain more hopeful and continue to embody the spirit of their profession, shedding light on the issues within the institutions where they are held.

Despite all the human rights violations you just explained, COP29, the 2024 United Nations Climate Change Conference, will take place in Azerbaijan’s capital Baku from 11 to 22 November, being advertised on its official website with the slogan “In solidarity for a green world”. What do you think about the organisation of such an event in Azerbaijan? Can it help to draw attention to the poor human rights situation or does it strengthen an authoritarian regime in its hypocritical self-presentation?

For Azerbaijani citizens, COP29 represents yet another source of trouble. They view it as a new obstacle in their lives that are already challenging. People in Azerbaijan are so consumed with daily survival that global issues are neither clear to them nor of particular interest.

Azerbaijan is known for hosting numerous international events such as Eurovision, Formula 1, the European Games, the Islamic Solidarity Games, and others, in an effort to gain global recognition. This is a common tactic used by authoritarian regimes to improve their poor reputations. They believe that by hosting an international event, the flaws in their governance will be overlooked, and that these events will overshadow the ongoing repression. However, things did not go as they expected. In recent months, due to COP29, the political situation and human rights issues in Azerbaijan have received unprecedented international attention. Prominent international human rights organisations are now focusing on the issue of political prisoners in Azerbaijan and publishing reports on the subject. I believe that the progressive world should keep these discussions alive leading up to COP29. It’s essential not to overlook these topics in meetings with Azerbaijani officials.

picture alliance / ASSOCIATED PRESS | Peter Dejong

During the COP29 and a week before and afterwards, Azerbaijan is calling on all countries that are engaged in conflict to put down arms. Activists accused the government of hypocrisy in regard of the only recently concluded war with Armenia in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Which role have the war and critical reporting about it played in the crackdown of press and media freedom?

After a long period of occupation, Azerbaijan, under the leadership of Ilham Aliyev, reclaimed its territories through war. Azerbaijan could have taken this step earlier, but growing social discontent finally compelled Aliyev to act. This war was his last card; he played it and won. Despite the heavy loss of lives, the Azerbaijani people support Aliyev on this path, and he draws his strength from their trust. The level of public support for him now, compared to before the war, is significantly in his favour.

Aliyev is someone who criticizes the West but also establishes strong ties with it. He supports Ukraine’s territorial integrity yet maintains a close relationship with Putin. Now, ahead of COP29, his call for peace highlights the disconnection between his words and actions. Of course, we all want peace globally and don’t wish for war in our region. However, Aliyev also waged war in line with Putin’s interests, sacrificing innocent young people whose minds were filled with propaganda of revenge and hostility. His call for peace on the eve of COP29 seems insincere.

The Azerbaijani government’s red lines are clear to its citizens: any initiative targeting the president’s family is met with harsh punishment. Those who challenge election violations are neutralised. Now, the topic of Karabakh has become another red line. They will not allow the results of the war, which they waged to maintain power for the long term, to be undermined. Abzas Media is also being punished for investigating corruption in the reconstruction efforts in Karabakh.

Since the end of last year, an increasing number of civil society activists have left the country. But unfortunately the persecution of critical voices does not stop once they have left the Azerbaijan. How active are the Azerbaijani authorities when it comes to transnational repression of media workers? And how do those in exile continue to challenge the government?

The Azerbaijani government can monitor and punish people it disapproves of, or those whose opinions it does not respect, anywhere in the world, but especially in Turkey and Georgia with whom it maintains close connections.  Activists and journalists abroad are monitored, subjected to attacks, and sometimes even handed over to the Azerbaijani government with the assistance of local police. We witness this from time to time.

Particularly with neighbouring countries like Turkey and Georgia, Azerbaijan has established strong relationships. Through SOCAR, the State Oil Company of the Azerbaijan Republic, and other major companies, it has made significant business investments in these countries. These business investments also allow the Azerbaijani government to more easily carry out the activities of its special service agents in these regions. Further, Azerbaijan is one of the few countries that has still not reopened its land borders since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. Keeping the land borders closed is also a move by the government to prevent political activity and restrict people’s freedom of movement.

Despite these activities, activists leaving the country tend to prefer traveling to these two neighbouring countries first. This is quite dangerous. I remember that during a meeting in Tbilisi this summer, a group of journalists and I were being filmed in a coffee shop by a suspicious Azerbaijani individual. When we realized, we began filming him, and he tried to run away, but I managed to get a photo of him. When I approached him, I heard that he was giving information in Azerbaijani to someone over AirPods.

Apart from the observation by Azerbaijani authorities, those who have left Azerbaijan are also under surveillance by non-Azerbaijani authorities. At the beginning of this year, a public activist who was trying to travel from Istanbul to Tbilisi, was questioned by the Turkish police. They wanted to send him back to Baku. Only with the help of his lawyer, the activist managed to get rid of the Turkish police and was able to safely complete his trip to Tbilisi.

The lives of those who have left the country continue to be at risk. Nevertheless, they try to voice the problems in Azerbaijan from where they live through social media. However, the regime in Azerbaijan has extended its reach so far that it can punish its opponents in any country. The recent stabbing death of political exile Vidadi Isgandarli in France is no coincidence. While I don’t share his use of offensive rhetoric, there’s no doubt he was killed by orders from the Azerbaijani authorities. Previously, there have also been armed attacks against people in exile. These incidents, resulting in serious injuries and sometimes death, are widely believed to be ordered from Baku.

What would positively influence the situation? Where do you personally get your motivation, your hope from? Why do you continue reporting even though your life is at risk?

To understand the regime in Azerbaijan, one only needs to live there for a while. It quickly becomes clear how deeply rooted this regime is and how unwilling it is to move from its position. They’ve seized all the country’s resources—from the food sector to banking, construction to transportation, entertainment to business, and even underground and surface resources—and use them as personal property. The country of Azerbaijan has practically become the private company of Ilham Aliyev and his family, with all economic resources concentrated in their hands, manipulating the people.

Because any protest, any promising event of change, is harshly suppressed by the authorities, it is hard for the people to keep up the hope, as any form of activism can lead to devastating consequences for individuals. This is why the few media representatives, opposition members, and civil society activists work simply to prevent things from getting worse. Currently, there is no force capable of influencing what’s happening in Azerbaijan. The people have been reduced to a state of barely affording bread, leaving no space for political engagement. Nobody is in a position to protest, especially with a record number of political arrests. This alone speaks to the extent of the hopelessness.

If those involved with independent media and civil society do not take on this work, there will be no one left to highlight ordinary people’s problems. No one will stand up for our colleagues in prison.

Imprisoned Abzas media editor Sevinc Vagifgizi writes in a letter:

“In prison, our cellmates often ask us, ‘Was it necessary for you to oppose the regime and end up here?’ We respond, ‘You deserve truth in the news, and it doesn’t matter where we end up because of it.'” 

Sevinc’s words answer your question. Regardless of the outcome, the Azerbaijani people deserve the truth, and it must be pursued, whatever the cost. If we, as journalists, are the ones able to deliver it, then we are honoured to do so.

The interview was conducted by Hanne Tijman